What does ChatGPT have to say?

After having used ChatGPT to bounce my thoughts and ideas off of for the past year I’ve come to realize that ChatGPT is a powerful tool, but it also has its limitations.

One of Chat’s weaknesses is if you ask Chat its opinion on topics without giving it publications to digest. Once you give Chat committee reports, inquiry findings, institutional reviews, institutional reports, court documents, Bills, Legislation, etc., Chat is able to offer substantial insight.

Over the next couple of days I’m going to post Chat’s review of certain issues concerning the Canadian Armed Forces and the Department of National Defence.

RICHARD’S RAMPAGE

I can’t remember when exactly it occurred, but an Edmonton police officer came to grandma’s apartment during the summer of 1985.

The officer came into grandma’s apartment and talked to Scott and I by ourselves.

I can’t remember what exactly the officer was asking, but I do remember that he said that he had to see both my brother and I in person to make sure that we were okay.

Okay from what?

He wouldn’t say.

At the end of the summer Scott and I flew back to Toronto from Edmonton.

Richard picked us up from the airport.

He didn’t say a single thing. He just picked up our luggage and loaded it in the back of the Mustang and then we drove back to our PMQ on CFB Downsview.

As we were driving up Keele street and approaching the base Richard told Scott and I that when we got back home we’d have to wait in the dining room and wait for the military police to come talk to us.

When we got back on Stanley Green Park and into the PMQ we sat down at the dining room table.

The instant I sat down I noticed that something wasn’t right.

Sue’s dining room furniture was all wobbly.

This is furniture that you didn’t drag as you sat in it. And you sure as hell didn’t sit at this table unless you were eating.

Over half of Richard’s National Geographic magazines were missing.

The windows in the dining room were all new. The glazing putty was fresh and unpainted. I could see that there had been some large holes repaired in all of the dining room walls.

I snuck a quick peek into the living room.

All the windows had brand new glass.

Sue’s drapes were missing and replaced with the standard military issued roll shutters.

Sue’s stereo looked like it had been through hell and back.

Richard’s aircraft models were all missing.

Two military police officers arrived.

Both MPs came into the PMQ and instructed Richard and Sue to step outside while the MPs talked to my brother and I.

The military police asked Scott and I if the Edmonton Police Officer told us anything when he paid us a visit.

The MPs started receiving frantic calls from occupants of the other PMQs with reports of Richard throwing furniture through the windows and screaming and yelling.

The military police said that when they attended the PMQ neither Richard or Sue would explain where Scott and I were. The MPs said that they were concerned about the welfare of Scott and I as the neighbours had told the MPs about the way Richard treated Scott and I.

According to the MPs it took three military police officers to bring Richard under control on the evening of the dispute.

The amount of damage done to the PMQ was substantial.

The MPs asked Scott and I if we knew any reason for the dispute.

I don’t think Scott or I said anything to the MPs, but for Richard and Sue to snipe at each other or to slam doors and huff away from each other was nothing out of the ordinary.

The military police told us that if Richard ever lost his temper again that we should get out of the PMQ by any means possible. Even if we had to jump from the second story, just get out of the PMQ.

We should call the MP shack and have the MPs dispatched to the PMQ right away. But they cautioned us against from calling from inside our PMQ, that we should go to a neighbour’s PMQ and call the military police from there.

The MPs also cautioned us against calling the Toronto Police as this would waste time as the Toronto Police couldn’t just come on to the base without themselves going through the military police.

At the end of the meeting, the two MPs gave Scott and I each a pair of business cards with the number for the MP shack. They also made sure that we watched at they put a sticker on the kitchen telephone of CFB Downsview emergency contact phone numbers.

After the MPs left, Richard came in and told us to put our clothes away and to go outside and play.

Neither he nor Sue ever talked about this.

I found out much later in life that the military police never informed the Children’s Aid Society of Toronto about the domestic dispute. At the time the CAST had a file open on my family. My family had been assessed as a low risk case due to my father’s insistence that everything in the PMQ was okay.

I cannot prove motive from memory alone. But the practical effect was clear: the matter stayed inside the military policing system, while the civilian child-protection agency with an open file on my family was apparently left uninformed.

Life in the PMQ patches was a lot more rough and brisk than it was in civvy land.

What we accepted as normal inside the chain-link perimeter of the PMQs was not normal at all. The military police knew enough to warn two children how to escape their own home, but not enough — or not openly enough — to bring civilian child protection into the room.

An odd dream

Well, I had a really weird dream last night.

It took place in March of next year.

Parliament finally did the right thing and allowed Medical Assistance in Dying with Mental Illness as the Sole Underlying Medical Condition.

Of course I went to my doctor and applied to be seen by two assessors as soon as possible.

When I went to see my first assessor, she worked in a tall heritage building. She had the windows cracked for a little breeze to come in to her office.

We started talking about why I wanted to die and what it was that I hoped to accomplish from dying.

I told her that I wanted to be free of what happened on CFB Namao. And that I wanted to be free from the untreated mental illness, the depression, the anxiety, and all of the other issues that I had as a result of the way things were handled be employees of the Canadian Armed Force such as my father and Captain Terry Totzke back then. I then went on to list eveything that I had been through since the fall of 1978 until recent.

She asked “Do you hear that?”

I said “No”

A man lounging on a black leather chair looks perplexed while a woman in a white lab coat leans out of a window, listening for a ringing phone outside. Speech bubbles capture their conversation.

She said, “It sounds like the phone, I have to go answer it”. She then jumped out the window and fell to her death on the sidewalk.

As I was looking out the window her receptionist came in and said “Please don’t jump, you have too much to live for”.

I went back to my doctor and asked for another referral. My doctor sent me to another assesor. This time one in a building with windows that didn’t open.

It was literally the same questions as the assesor before.

This time it wasn’t a phone. This time the assesor just ran at the window and crashed through.

Back to my doctor again. This time he sent me to an assesor on the ground floor.

Went in and talked to this assessor, she seemed more grounded.

We talked for hours. And then at the end she wrote me a prescription for M.A.i.D.

The second assessor went pretty smooth as well.

The dream cut to me at work, all of the patients and staff had moved to the new site so now I was in charge of a dead hospital.

For some reason senior leadership wanted all of the kitchen refrigeration condensing units upgraded and replaced even through I had shut the refrigeration down the day after everything moved to the new site.

I got a call from the M.A.i.D. clinic telling me that the 90 day waiting period was over and that I could pick the date of my death. They also asked if I had figured out where I wanted my death to occur.

I told them that I had a couple of funeral homes picked out that would allow the proceedure on their premises, then hold my body for the waiting period, and the cremate my body.

The clinic said that it sounded like I had everything planned out.

I told them that I had been waiting for this day for most of my life and that I didn’t want to fuck anything up.

The clinic said that I had to come in and reserve my date on their calendar.

I then found myself in the clinic with this massive linear calendar on the wall. There were other people that had been sexually abused as kids living on Canadian Forces Bases. They were all gleefully hanging their symbols on the calendar, and when they’d do so the date would appear in translucent numbers above the calendar.

All of them were talking about the same thing. How the Canadian Armed Forces chucked us all under the train, not because the military is evil, but because the military is full of little men, with little dicks, that were too afraid to admit that bad things could happen to children living on the bases.

As the other former base brats would hang their symbols on the calendar, they’d cheer and do a little happy dance.

A news reporter came in and wanted to know why we didn’t just go to therapy and why were we so intent on killing ourselves. One of the other former brats came over and started talking to the reporter about how because no one ever believed us and just swallowed everything the military had to say that therapy was well out of the question.

I picked my date. I did my happy dance. I knew that this shit would be over soon.

David Pugliese came in and started talking to me about the story that he wanted to write about me. I asked him what the point was, that I wasn’t going to be around to read the story when he finished it.

The CBC was there, and the CBC wanted to know why we were trying to make the military look bad.

The dream ended shortly thereafter.

Exploring Reykjavik: A Unique Iceland Experience

I was in Iceland from June 19th, 2023 until June 30th.

This was supposed to have been a bucket list thing, but unfortunately the federal government delayed Medical Assistance in Dying until March 17th, 2024.

When I landed at KEF this was the first time I had ever walked across the tarmac to catch a shuttle bus to get to the terminal. Turns out that because Reykjavik is a mid-flight stop for lots of flights going on to the UK or Europe it’s faster and easier to bring the planes close to the terminal on the apron, but not to pull up to a gate. That way once we’re on the shuttle bus and our luggage is off loaded, the plane can just power up and taxi out and take off right away.

Customs was fun going through. I don’t think the Icelandic customs agent has seen too many people with full facial tattoos.

Reykjavik is a nice walkable city.

Lots of things to just wander around aimlessly and look at.

A rusted car engine compartment with a small flower arrangement growing where the engine should be, highlighting the contrast between nature and decay.
2023 Trip to Iceland

I don’t know what the story was with this burnt out VW Van, but someone prettied it up with a flower pot of flowers.

A vibrant sunset over a landscape with a highway in the foreground, streetlights, and houses silhouetted against the colorful sky.
2023 Trip to Iceland

This was as dark as it gets in Iceland around the summer solstice.

Iceland is funny in the sense that you can wake up, look out the window, see a clear sky, and five minutes later there’s a downpour, and five minutes after that it’s windy, and then it’s back to sun.

A tattooed individual wearing a black hat stands near a rocky shoreline, with modern buildings and mountains visible in the background during sunset.
2023 Trip to Iceland

This picture was taken at about 01:00.

Taxes are high, but the streets are very clean as compared to anywhere in Canada. And they don’t have anywhere near the homeless problem that Canada has. It’s not that they don’t have unemployed or mentally ill, it’s that they take care of them. And yes, they have a drug problem like everywhere else, but their problem isn’t on public display.

When you have a healthy tax base you have healthy social programs. Low income housing is all over the place, but it’s well looked after. There are treatment facilities and housing for drug users. And for a small city like Reykjavik, they have a very decent public transit system.

Their bicycle path network and their walking paths are well done.

Expenses weren’t that horrendous. The Canadian penny is almost at par with the Icelandic Krona. That may sound odd, but 100 Krona equals 1 dollar Canadian. 1000 Krona equals 10 dollars Canadian.
A large pizza listed at 1875 Krona is literally only $18.75 CDN.

Heating is interesting.

Almost every house and business in Reykjavik is heated by a closed loop water system that is heated by the heat energy provided by the close proximity to the magma under Iceland. The water isn’t heated directly by the magma. The natural hot springs are. Massive heat exchangers take energy from the hot springs and transfer it to the water in the heating water loop. This loop is circulated all of the city.

Now, the truth.

Was this some spiritual trip that awakened something inside of me?

Nope.

It was nice going to Iceland and being left alone.

Understanding Medical Assistance in Dying: Myths vs. Reality

A nude woman sitting on the edge of a well, looking surprised or alarmed, surrounded by lush green foliage and stone walls.
La Vérité sortant du puits armée de son martinet pour châtier l’humanité(English: Truth coming from the well armed with her whip to chastise humanity) is an 1896 painting by the French artist Jean-Léon Gérôme.

The lies and misinformation surrounding Medical Assistance in Dying are quite stunning. And these lies prove one of the most significant downsides of the Internet is that lies, bullshit, and paranoia circulate much faster than the truth.

A group of five animated characters passionately shouting in protest, holding signs with phrases like 'Do your research!', 'Sheeple!', and 'Chemtrails!!'. They appear expressive and animated, standing against a bright blue sky with contrails visible.

And when the truth doesn’t suit their narratives, they just scream “Do Your Research”. And when someone does their research their response is often “Sheep! Do you believe everything they tell you?!?!?”

The most recent bullshit flying around the interwebs is that M.A.i.D. is the number #1 cause of death in Canada.

Here, from Stats Canada, are the leading causes of death from 2016 until 2023.

What must be remembered is that Medical Assistance in Dying is NOT the cause of death. It’s the mechanism. The cause of death is always the underlying disease.

From 2016 to 2023 there were about 663,600 deaths due to Cancer in Canada.

~65 – 70% of M.A.i.D. procedures are cancer-related

-but-

Only ~4 – 5% percent of terminal cancer patients seek M.A.i.D.

Stage 3 or Stage 4 cancer is not something that I would wish upon my worst enemy. And it should come as no surprise that the majority of M.A.i.D. procedures currently being performed are for patients with Stage 3 or Stage 4 cancer.

Why “Do Your Research” Isn’t About Research

It’s tempting to dismiss anti-intellectual movements as simple ignorance. That’s comforting—but it’s wrong.

What we’re seeing is a convergence of forces.

For many, these beliefs are tied to identity. Changing their mind isn’t just updating a fact—it’s risking their place in a community. Facts become secondary to belonging. Certainty becomes more valuable than accuracy.

Layered on top of that is a very human need for control. The modern world is complex, uncertain, and often frightening. Conspiracy thinking offers something simple: clear answers, clear villains, and the illusion of understanding. It trades nuance for emotional stability.

There’s also a deep and, at times, justified mistrust of institutions. Governments have lied. Corporations have failed. That history becomes a lens through which everything is viewed—even when the conclusion no longer fits the evidence.

But it doesn’t stop there.

Social media amplifies the loudest, most extreme voices. Echo chambers reinforce beliefs until they feel self-evident. And within that environment, a smaller but significant group of actors—grifters, influencers, opportunists—learn that outrage is profitable. Confusion becomes currency.

Not everyone shouting “Do your research” is acting in bad faith. Most are trying to make sense of a complicated world using the wrong tools.

But some are.

And the result is what we see now: a system where noise is rewarded, doubt is weaponized, and the appearance of confidence is mistaken for truth.

The Fear of Death.

One of the most powerful drivers of opposition to M.A.i.D. is fear—specifically, the fear of death and the belief that death represents failure.

For many people, death isn’t seen as a natural conclusion to life, but as something to be resisted at all costs. That perspective is often reinforced by deeply held beliefs about what comes after death, whether that’s an afterlife, reincarnation, or some form of continued existence.

Those beliefs can provide comfort, and for many, they do. But they are still beliefs—personal frameworks used to make sense of something fundamentally unknown.

When those beliefs become the basis for decisions about how others should live—or die—the conversation shifts. It moves away from the lived reality of the person who is suffering and toward a set of assumptions that cannot be proven or shared by everyone.

What we do know is this: when the brain ceases to function, the person as we understand them—their thoughts, memories, and consciousness—is gone.

And for some, facing that reality leads not to fear, but to a desire for control over how their life ends, especially in the presence of severe and irreversible suffering.

When the Debate Isn’t Just Ours

Canada’s conversation around Medical Assistance in Dying (M.A.i.D.) is often framed as a purely domestic issue—one rooted in Canadian law, Canadian values, and Canadian lived experience.

But that framing is becoming harder to maintain.

In recent years, there has been growing concern about the role of foreign influence in shaping public policy debates, particularly where those debates intersect with deeply held moral or religious beliefs. The M.A.i.D. conversation is no exception.

South of the border, the United States has seen a resurgence of politically active evangelical movements, many of which are closely tied to broader currents of Christian nationalism. These movements are not confined by geography. They are well-funded, highly organized, and increasingly international in scope.

That matters, because advocacy does not stop at the border.

Ideas, messaging strategies, and—critically—funding can and do move across jurisdictions. Organizations that oppose assisted dying on religious or ideological grounds often operate within networks that extend beyond Canada, drawing on shared resources, coordinated campaigns, and in some cases, financial support originating outside the country.

This does not mean that all opposition to M.A.i.D. in Canada is foreign-driven. It isn’t. Many Canadians oppose M.A.i.D. for their own reasons, and those views deserve to be part of the conversation.

But it does raise an important question:

To what extent is a Canadian policy debate being shaped by external actors with different legal frameworks, cultural contexts, and political objectives?

The concern is not belief. People are entitled to their beliefs, whether they are rooted in religion, philosophy, or personal experience.

The concern is influence.

When well-funded networks with explicit ideological goals engage in cross-border advocacy, the line between domestic discourse and imported agenda begins to blur. Messaging that originates in one country—where legal and social conditions are different—can be transplanted into another, often without that context being made clear.

In the case of M.A.i.D., that matters because the stakes are deeply personal. This is not an abstract policy question. It is about how Canadians choose to navigate suffering, autonomy, and the end of life within their own legal and healthcare systems.

If that conversation is being shaped—directly or indirectly—by movements that do not operate within those same systems, then transparency becomes essential.

Canadians should be able to understand not only the arguments being made, but where those arguments are coming from, who is funding them, and what broader objectives they may serve.

A new timeline format

Okay, after trying a couple of different timeline plugins for WordPress I think I’ve found one that will work.

I have a new timeline that is accessible from my homepage at:
https://beeshive.ca

It’s the button labelled “A Timeline of Things”

I’ve just started on this, so it will probably take a weeks for me to get is all fleshed out.

I’m also going to try to get a post out on the latest news involving the CFNIS .

Well, isn’t this interesting.

Below is the 1993 Court Martial Appeal Court of Canada decision related to a Leading Seaman George Z.

LS Z. molested three female underage children while he was stationed at Canadian Forces Base Lahr in Germany.

The CMAC indicates that LS Z. has a daughter of his own, and was separated from his wife.

As LS Z was a member of the Canadian Armed Forces and was on active duty he was dealt with through the military justice system.

And the court martial that led to this court martial appeal shows two issues with the jurisdiction of the Canadian Armed Forces justice system

The first issue being that the military did in fact prosecute their members through the military tribunals for civilian criminal code offences such as child sexual abuse. This means also that it would have been LS Z.’s commanding officer that reviewed the charges brought against LS Z. As I’ve mentioned before, and as was discussed during the Somlia affair inquiry, these commanding officers were not trained in the law, they were not lawyers, and they would often let their own parochial interests get in the way of justice for the victims.

The second issue being that even though the offences occurred in Germany, the court martial occurred in Ottawa, Ontario and not overseas in Germany on CFB Lahr. If the CAF could wait until LS Z. was returned to Canada, why didn’t the CAF just hand LS Z. over to the civilian courts where he would have faced substantially harsher sentences, or where a civilian crown prosecutor could have reviewed the charges to make sure the LS Z. was in fact being charged with every offence that there was evidence for.

And this matter brings up the topic of liability.

The three victims in this matter. Did they ever receive compensation?

From my personal experience, the CAF has always been lousy with the care of military dependents. In fact it took years of pressure from the Canadian Forces Ombudsman to get the CAF and the DND to stop referring to us as “DF&E”, “Dependents, Furniture, and Effects” as if we were just the personal belongings of the service member.

The CAF, and the DND are ultimately responsible for the actions of LS Z.

They recruited him.

They vetted him.

They hired him.

They sent him and his daughter on a posting to a foreign country.

They provided living accommodations on a defence establishment.

They were responsible for the security of these defence establishments.

They exposed children located in Germany, potentially of other service members, to LS Z. Aren’t the CAF and the DND supposed to do full evaluations of their employees before sending them off to foreign postings outside of the country?

As LS Z. was a member of the regular forces, he was on the clock 24/7/365 from the day he enlisted until the day he left.

The court martial heard expert evidence that LS Z. suffered from a psychiatric condition called “heterosexual pedophilia” which involved sexual attraction to children. Why couldn’t the CAF or the DND detect this in their employee before he damaged three young children?

And much like in my matter when my father abused the Defence Establishment Trespass Regulations and had my mother thrown out of the military housing at Summerside, PEI, did LS Z. do the same thing with his ex-wife. This wasn’t an uncommon tactic as highlighted by the report released in 2000 that looked at spousal abuse in the Canadian Armed Forces. The Defence Establishment Trespass Regulations were practically green-lighting this behaviour.

And finally, and this is the one that upsets me the most, is somehow military service is somehow supposed to offset the severity of the damage from the abuse? Not only was LS Z.’s military service brought up during his court martial appeal, but Captain McRae’s military service was brought up during his court martial. Does the Canadian Armed Forces actually view child sexual abuse as such a low risk for long term emotional and psychological damage that just following orders for 10 years means more that ruining some kid’s life?

Less than a year now

A digital countdown timer displaying 'Medical Assistance in Dying' with a background of palm trees and a blue sky. The timer indicates 357 days, with the date set to March 17, 2027, and the current time displayed as 00:00.

Well, it’s less than a year now until Canada legalizes Medical Assistance in Dying when Mental Illness is the Sole Underlying Medical Condition.

That is unless government chickens out at the last moment and delays M.A.i.D. MI-SUMC again out of fear of the religious right in this country.

M.A.i.D. where mental illness is the sole underlying condition was originally set to be legalized on March 17, 2023. At the last minute, it was delayed to March 17, 2024, and then again in February 2024, pushed further to March 17, 2027.

Both times M.A.i.D. MI-SUMC was delayed because those who think that everyone should live their lives as per the dictates of their holy teachings managed to push narratives about abuse of the system and loss of safeguards that don’t reflect how the law actually operates.

If your religion says that you shouldn’t obtain M.A.i.D., then don’t obtain M.A.i.D. It’s that plain and simple.

An animated depiction of a majestic figure with a crown, emerging from clouds with a glowing background.
No M.A.i.D. for you!
Suffering is next to godliness!

It’s the same thing when your religion says for you to not eat shellfish, don’t eat shellfish. And if your religion is against gay marriage, then don’t marry your spouse of the same gender.

What I choose to do with my life is my decision and my decision alone.

I am not here for your personal comfort.

I am not here for you to score brownie points with your religious daddy figure.

It is not my job to keep trying mental health treatment after mental health treatment designed to show me how to hide my mental trauma so that you can feel comfortable about yourself.

Y’all had your chance to help back in 1980.

But instead you let the Canadian Armed Forces, the Archdiocese of Edmonton and their respective disciplinary systems handle Captain Father Angus McRae while all of his victims, with the exception of his accomplice, were swept under the rug to suffer in silence.

We only get one chance at this life. There are no do-overs. There isn’t a second time around. There is no lake of fire to burn in for eternity. There are no heavenly clouds to float on playing harps.

Sticking around for another 15 to 20 years is of no benefit to me.

If I want to die, that’s a calamity.

If society says that it’s okay for me to die for the convenience of others, then that’s okay.

If I got run over by a drunk driver tomorrow, there would be no great outcry of anguish. Nobody would be calling for significant restrictions on car drivers while driving while intoxicated. It’s a “free society”.

If I die in a plane crash due to some middle manager saving pennies by cutting back on the lubrication schedule for jackscrews, I don’t get to start over.

Existing for another 15 to 20 years just allows me to continue suffering from untreated depression, anxiety, and the non-stop memories of the horrors of CFB Namao and the aftermath just don’t really appeal to me.

When the Law Said Boys Couldn’t Be Raped

How misused language in modern reporting erases the reality of Canada’s pre-1985 sexual offence laws — and who they failed.

One of the most dangerous habits in modern crime reporting is the casual misuse of legal terms—followed by a refusal to correct them when challenged.

Recently, CTV news ran a story about the release of Darren Scott Ray from prison on a three-day pass.

The story mentions how Darren was convicted of “raping” Darren Pepin.

Headline about police monitoring a released murderer, expressing community concern, from CTV News, dated March 3, 2026.
News article about the release of convicted murderer Darren Scott Ray on a temporary absence permit in Oshawa, Ontario.

Sexual assault, especially sexual assault that results in murder, is horrific, but attaching the wrong labels can actually do more harm than good.

Rape only existed as a Criminal Code offence up to 1984. Rape was a very specific offence that primarily applied to intercourse with females where lack of consent had to be proven.

Also, you’ll note that a male could only be charged with rape so long as the victim wasn’t his wife.

Legal text defining rape and conditions of consent, presented in English and French.
A page from the Criminal Code detailing legal text regarding the quality of an act, specifically referencing false representations and fraud.
Text from a legal document discussing the punishment for rape and the attempt to commit rape, featuring sections 144 and 145 with penalties outlined.

Section 143 only dealt with females and it only dealt with consent. Rape was the preferred charge in instances where force, threats, or deception were used to obtain sexual intercourse with a female who was not the suspect’s wife. Under the old law it was assumed that when a wife made her wedding vows, she was giving permanent consent to sexual intercourse whenever her husband desired it.

Prior to 2008, the age of consent was 14. And under the pre-1985 criminal code rape wasn’t the only charge that could be applied.

Legal text discussing the penalties for sexual intercourse between males and females under the age of fourteen and between fourteen and sixteen, including definitions and conditions of culpability.

Section 146 (1) and Section 146 (2) define sexual intercourse of any type with a female under the age of 16 as being a criminal code offence, unless the girl was the man’s wife.

Section 146(2) introduced the concept of ‘previously chaste character,’ meaning prosecution depended on whether the complainant was considered ‘chaste’—a deeply problematic and now-discredited legal standard, and Section 142 (3) provided evidentiary avenues that allowed the defence to shift blame onto the complainant.

Charges under Sections 143, 144, 145 and 146 could be brought against an accused with section 146 serving as a sort of backup catch-all should the Crown fail to prove offences under sections 143, 144, and 145.

The maximum sentence for “Rape” was life imprisonment and a whipping.

The maximum sentence for “Sexual intercourse with female under 14” was life imprisonment and a whipping.

The maximum sentence for “Sexual intercourse with a ‘chaste’ female between the ages of 14 and 16” was 5 years in prison with no provision for whipping.

In 1983–1984, the offence of ‘rape’ was removed from the Criminal Code and replaced with a gender-neutral framework of sexual assault offences—marking a fundamental shift in how the law recognized victims.

Rape was replaced by the offence of ‘sexual assault’. However, there remained other offences that were not classified as ‘sexual assault’, and these offences not only applied specifically to children, but also sidestepped the inability of the Canadian Armed Forces to hold a service tribunal for Murder, Manslaughter, and Sexual Assault.

Legal text outlining sexual offences and consent laws, including exceptions and age-related criteria for charges.

Section 151 is sexual interference and applies specifically to victims under the age of 14 -no specified gender for the victim.

Text from a legal document outlining the definition and penalties related to sexual interference involving minors.

Section 152 is invitation to sexual touching and applies to crimes committed against victims under the age of 14 – no specified gender for the victim.

Legal text regarding the invitation to sexual touching, outlining offenses and penalties related to inviting a person under fourteen years of age to engage in sexual touching.

Section 153(1) is sexual exploitation and applies to crimes committed against “young victims” by a person in a position of trust or authority.

A section of legal text discussing the definition and consequences of sexual exploitation involving young persons.

Section 153(2) defines a “young person” as any person fourteen years of age or more but under the age of eighteen years, gender not specified.

Definition of 'young person': A legal definition stating that a 'young person' is someone aged fourteen years or more but under eighteen years.

Section 155(1) is Incest.

Legal text outlining the definition of incest and associated punishments, including specifics on relationships and defenses.

Section 159(1) deals with Anal Intercourse.

Text from a legal document discussing laws regarding anal intercourse, including definitions of offenses and exceptions for consensual acts between adults.

Section 160(1) is committing the act of bestiality in the presence of a person under the age of fourteen, or incites a person under the age of fourteen to commit bestiality – no specified gender for the victim

Legal text regarding bestiality, outlining the offenses, penalties, and implications for those involved.

The following sections are those classified as ‘sexual assault’ and from 1985 until 1998 the Canadian Armed Forces could not hold a service tribunal for these offences.

Section 271 is sexual assault – no specified gender for the victim

Section 272 is sexual assault with a weapon, threatens a third party, or causes bodily harm, again no specified gender for the victim

Section 273 is aggravated sexual assault. And again, gender is not specified.

Why does this matter? Because words have real-world implications.

When the wrong legal label is applied, it doesn’t just distort history—it obscures how the law actually operated.

Text discussing legal limitations on certain offences, including murder, rape, and manslaughter, in both English and French.

I have had to deal with people who were utterly convinced that the Canadian Armed Forces could not have subjected Captain McRae to a court martial for sexual offences involving children as the Canadian Armed Forces were prohibited from holding a service tribunal (summary trial or court martial proceeding) for the criminal code offence of “rape”.

Under the pre-1985 Criminal Code:
Boys could not be raped.
Rape was defined as a crime against females.
That was the law.

And what charges was the military precluded from conducting a service tribunal for?

Legal text regarding limitations on trying certain serious offences, including murder, rape, and manslaughter, in military service tribunals, presented in English and French.

But there were alternative routes for prosecution involving females under the age of 16.

All the commanding officer of the accused had to do during the prescribed summary investigation was to dismiss the rape charge(s) that had been brought against their subordinate while allowing charges under sections 146(1), 146(2), 150(1), and 153(1) to proceed to court martial proceedings.

  • s.146(1) Sexual Intercourse with Female under 14
  • s.146(2) Sexual Intercourse with Female 14 to 16
  • s.150(1) Incest
  • s.153(1) Sexual Intercourse with Step-Daughter or Foster Daughter
  • s.155. Buggery
  • s.156 Indecent Assault of Male
  • s.157 Gross Indecency

Sections 155, 156, and 157 always applied to sexual crimes involving male children. This meant that the Canadian Armed Forces could keep these in house and try them through the military justice system. There was almost no opportunity for sexually abused male children to have their matters heard in civilian courts.

One of the most troubling aspects of the pre-1998 National Defence Act was that prosecutorial functions within the military justice system were exercised by officers within the chain of command, rather than independent civilian Crown prosecutors, raising serious concerns about legal expertise and independence.

Text from a legal document discussing the proposed changes to sections 160 to 162.2 of an Act, regarding the commencement of proceedings and the authority of commanding officers in military disciplinary matters.
Legislative Summary LS-311E (1998)

Now I have a much better understanding as to why the DOJ, the DND, and the CAF are fighting against the sexually abused victims of one of their officers.

This is not about a single case. It raises a far more uncomfortable question: how often did commanding officers quietly redirect or narrow charges in ways that limited accountability?

And once you understand how the law actually worked, the question is no longer whether this could happen—but how often it did.

Because if that happened more than once, the issue isn’t individual failure—it’s systemic design.

When the Word “Homosexuality” Silenced Victims

Cold War policies, Criminal Code language, and the institutional blind spots behind the McRae scandal

If a boy was sexually abused on a Canadian military base in 1980, there was a very real possibility that the system investigating the crime did not primarily see him as a victim.

Instead, he might be seen as evidence of a “homosexual problem.”

That may sound absurd today, but it reflects the reality of how the Canadian Armed Forces understood sexuality during the Cold War.

The language used in the investigations involving the babysitter  and Captain Father Angus McRae reveals something uncomfortable about that era. The institutions responsible for investigating abuse were operating inside a framework where homosexuality itself was treated as deviant, dangerous, and incompatible with military life.

When abuse involved male victims, that framework blurred the line between predator and victim.

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The Cold War Purge and CFAO 19-20

Throughout the 1950s, 1960s, and into the early 1980s, the Canadian military treated homosexuality as both a disciplinary problem and a national security concern.

This belief was written directly into policy.

One of the most significant instruments was Canadian Forces Administrative Order (CFAO) 19-20, which governed the investigation and removal of personnel suspected of homosexual conduct.

CFAO 19-20 existed within a broader Cold War purge that targeted homosexuals across Canadian government institutions, including:

• the Canadian Armed Forces

• the RCMP

• the federal civil service

The logic behind the policy was rooted in Cold War paranoia. Officials believed homosexuals could be blackmailed by foreign intelligence services, particularly by Soviet agents.

As a result, the military created investigative structures designed to identify, interrogate, and remove suspected homosexual personnel.

The policy environment produced several consequences:

• homosexuality was framed as a threat to institutional integrity

• investigators were trained to detect homosexual behaviour

• once the label appeared in an investigation, it influenced how everything else was interpreted

That mindset shaped how the military reacted when allegations of abuse surfaced on a Canadian base.

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The “Fruit Machine”: The Era’s Most Bizarre Investigation Tool

The Cold War purge of homosexuals produced one of the strangest devices in Canadian intelligence history.

It was known as the “Fruit Machine.”

Developed during the 1950s and used by Canadian security services, the device attempted to identify homosexuals through physiological testing.

Subjects were shown images of men and women while sensors measured:

• pupil dilation

• perspiration

• heart rate

Investigators believed these physical reactions could reveal sexual orientation.

The concept was deeply flawed and scientifically dubious. But for years it was treated seriously by Canadian security officials.

The existence of programs like this shows how strongly the Canadian state believed homosexuality posed a threat to national security.

Inside that mindset, sexual acts between males were rarely interpreted in neutral terms.

They were treated as signs of deviance, corruption, or institutional danger.

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The Criminal Code Language of the Era

The legal vocabulary used in the McRae investigation also reflected the Criminal Code provisions that existed in Canada during the late 1970s.

Several sections governed sexual activity between males.

Among them were:

Section 155 – Buggery

This provision criminalized anal intercourse except in narrow circumstances.

Even after partial decriminalization reforms in 1969, the offence remained illegal under many conditions and carried heavy stigma.

Section 157 – Gross Indecency

This section criminalized a broad range of sexual conduct between males that did not meet the definition of buggery.

For decades it was widely used by police to prosecute same-sex behaviour.

Section 149 – Indecent Assault on a Male

This offence criminalized sexual assault involving male victims.

Although this section addressed abuse directly, the surrounding legal environment still framed male-male sexual activity primarily as a criminal phenomenon.

When investigators documented the acts committed by Captain McRae, the terminology used in military court records echoed this Criminal Code language.

Terms appearing repeatedly in the documentary record include:

• buggery

• gross indecency

• homosexual acts

• immoral conduct

The problem was that this vocabulary did not clearly separate sexual orientation from sexual abuse.

Both were described using overlapping terminology.

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When Abuse Was Interpreted as a “Homosexual Problem”

Once the investigation entered that legal and institutional framework, the narrative could easily shift.

Instead of focusing exclusively on the exploitation of children, the investigation often framed the events as part of a broader issue involving homosexual behaviour on the base.

This pattern appears across multiple records connected to the scandal, including:

• CFSIU investigative files

• court martial transcripts

• ecclesiastical disciplinary proceedings

• administrative military documentation

Within these records, the abuse of boys by an adult priest was frequently described using the same legal language applied to consensual homosexual acts.

That distinction mattered enormously.

Because once the discussion centred on homosexuality, the victims themselves could become entangled in the stigma surrounding it.

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When Victims Inherited the Stigma

In a military culture that treated homosexuality as deviant or dangerous, the presence of sexual acts between males could cast suspicion on everyone involved.

That included the children.

Investigative language sometimes described victims using the same legal vocabulary applied to the perpetrator.

In practical terms, this meant that boys who had been manipulated or abused could be perceived not purely as victims, but as participants in behaviour that the institution viewed with suspicion.

For children living in military communities where homosexuality was widely condemned, that label carried enormous social consequences.

The stigma surrounding homosexuality acted as a shield that protected abusers while simultaneously harming the victims.

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The Interrogation Culture of the Era

Another piece of the historical puzzle that modern readers often miss is how suspected homosexual behaviour was investigated during the Cold War.

Investigations conducted by military police, intelligence officers, and sometimes the RCMP were not limited to simply asking questions.

They often involved aggressive interrogation techniques designed to identify sexual networks.

Individuals suspected of homosexual behaviour could be subjected to prolonged questioning about:

• their personal relationships

• sexual experiences

• private social circles

• other individuals who might also be homosexual

Investigators frequently attempted to build lists of names, treating suspected homosexuals as part of a hidden network that needed to be uncovered.

In that environment, the goal of the investigation was often not simply to determine whether a crime had occurred. The goal was to expose what investigators believed to be a subculture operating inside the military.

When abuse cases involved male victims, this investigative mindset could create dangerous distortions.

Instead of focusing exclusively on the conduct of the adult offender, investigators might treat the situation as evidence of a wider homosexual environment.

That perspective could easily shift attention away from the central fact that a child had been exploited.

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When Military Social Workers Misinterpreted Trauma

The same cultural attitudes sometimes appeared in child welfare systems connected to military communities.

During the 1970s, 1980s, and into the 1990s, military psychological and social work literature still contained deeply flawed assumptions about male victims of sexual abuse.

One of the most damaging beliefs was the idea that boys who had been abused by males might develop “homosexual tendencies” or that sexually abused boys would go on to become “pedophiles”.

In some cases, abused boys were not simply treated as victims of trauma. Instead, professionals attempted to interpret their experiences through theories about sexual orientation.

This could produce disturbing conclusions.

Rather than asking why a child had been targeted by an abuser, military personel sometimes focused on whether the child’s behaviour indicated the development of homosexuality.

For boys already living in military environments where homosexuality was heavily stigmatized, this interpretation could be devastating.

It meant that the very systems meant to help them sometimes reinforced the idea that they themselves were the problem.

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How These Attitudes Shaped the Narrative

When these investigative and psychological assumptions combined, they created a powerful institutional blind spot.

Investigators trained to search for homosexual networks, combined with social theories that linked abuse to sexual orientation, could unintentionally reinforce a narrative that obscured the central issue.

The question that should have been asked was simple:

Who harmed these children?

But in the cultural environment of the time, the question often drifted toward something very different:

What kind of sexual behaviour is happening here?

That shift in focus allowed the stigma surrounding homosexuality to seep into the way victims themselves were perceived.

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The Result: Victims Trapped in the Wrong Story

For boys caught inside that system, the consequences could last for decades.

Instead of being clearly recognized as victims of sexual abuse, some were implicitly drawn into the same moral category as the adults who exploited them.

The institutional narrative blurred the line between:

• victim

• witness

• participant

That distortion did not simply affect how cases were investigated.

It shaped how those events were remembered, documented, and interpreted long after the original investigation ended.

And once that narrative became embedded in official records, it could follow the victims for the rest of their lives.

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A System That Could Not See Clearly

Looking back at the records today, the most striking feature is how deeply institutional language shaped the investigation itself.

The system struggled to clearly distinguish between:

• homosexuality

• sexual misconduct

• sexual abuse of children

When those categories blurred together, the truth became harder to see.

The abuse did not occur because of these policies.

But the policies influenced how the abuse was interpreted, documented, and remembered.

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Why This Still Matters: The Echo in the 2011 CFNIS Investigation

The legacy of these attitudes did not disappear when the Cold War ended.

Decades later, when historical abuse allegations resurfaced and were investigated again by the Canadian Forces National Investigation Service (CFNIS), the institutional framework surrounding the case was still shaped by the earlier narrative.

Historical records, investigative summaries, and institutional memory all originated in an era where the language of homosexuality had shaped the original investigation.

When modern investigators reviewed those records, they were inheriting a documentary trail that had already been filtered through that lens.

The consequences of those early interpretations did not vanish with time.

They became embedded in the archival record.

And those records continue to shape how the events are understood today.

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The Lesson Hidden in the Documents

The documents surrounding the McRae scandal reveal more than the actions of individual offenders.

They expose the institutional mindset of an era.

Cold War policies like CFAO 19-20, the Criminal Code provisions governing same-sex behaviour, and the broader purge of homosexuals from Canadian institutions created a framework that distorted how abuse was understood.

Within that framework, the most important fact could become obscured:

Children had been exploited.

Understanding that institutional context is essential for understanding why some victims were not recognized, believed, or protected when the events first came to light.

And why the consequences of those failures continue to echo decades later.

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Why Institutions Still Struggle With These Cases

Understanding the cultural and legal environment of the 1970s and early 1980s raises an uncomfortable question.

If the investigative framework of that era blurred the line between homosexuality and sexual abuse, what happens when institutions are asked to revisit those cases today?

For organizations like the Canadian Armed Forces, the answer is complicated.

Re-examining those investigations does not simply require reviewing the conduct of individual offenders. It requires confronting the possibility that the institutional mindset of the time contributed to the harm experienced by victims.

That is a much more difficult admission.

Acknowledging it would mean recognizing that the policies, assumptions, and investigative methods of the era may have distorted how abuse was understood and documented.

It would mean admitting that victims may have been misunderstood, stigmatized, or even implicitly blamed because of the framework through which investigators interpreted the events.

For large institutions, that kind of realization carries consequences.

It raises questions about:

• the fairness of past investigations

• the accuracy of official records

• the treatment of victims

• and the institutional culture that shaped those outcomes

These are not merely historical questions.

They affect how modern investigators interpret archival records, how institutions respond to survivors today, and how the public understands what happened in the past.

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The Weight of the Archival Record

Another difficulty lies in the nature of the records themselves.

Investigations create documents.

Those documents become files.

Those files eventually become the historical record.

But if the original investigation was shaped by flawed assumptions, the record it produced can carry those assumptions forward.

Later investigators reviewing those files may believe they are reading a neutral account of events.

In reality, they may be reading a narrative already filtered through the institutional attitudes of another era.

That means the past can quietly shape the present.

Not through deliberate deception, but through the simple persistence of documents created within an outdated framework.

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A Story That Was Never Fully Told

When the scandal involving the babysitter  and Captain Father Angus McRae surfaced at CFB Edmonton, it exposed a serious problem.

Children had been exploited.

But the institutional language used to describe the events often framed the situation differently.

Instead of clearly identifying abuse, the narrative frequently drifted toward discussions of homosexuality, morality, and deviant behaviour.

In that environment, victims could become entangled in the stigma attached to the very acts committed against them.

The story that ended up recorded in official documents was therefore incomplete.

It described acts.

It described investigations.

But it did not always clearly describe the children as victims of exploitation.

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Why This History Needs to Be Understood

Revisiting these events today is not about rewriting history.

It is about understanding the context in which that history was recorded.

The Cold War policies that governed the military, the Criminal Code language that framed sexual acts between males, and the investigative culture of the time all shaped how the scandal was interpreted.

Without understanding those factors, it is impossible to fully understand the documentary record that remains.

And without understanding the record, it becomes much harder to recognize the experiences of the victims whose lives were shaped by those events.

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The Real Lesson

The story surrounding the McRae scandal ultimately reveals something larger than the actions of any single individual.

It shows how institutional assumptions can shape the way abuse is perceived, investigated, and remembered.

When the framework used to interpret events is flawed, the truth can become distorted long before it reaches a courtroom, an investigative report, or an archival file.

For the children who lived through those events, the consequences of that distortion have lasted for decades.

Understanding the mindset of the era does not change what happened.

But it helps explain why the full story took so long to emerge.

And why some parts of it are still difficult for institutions to confront.

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A Personal Note About Why This Matters

For me, this history is not abstract.

I was one of the children living on the base when these events unfolded. Like many of the boys who became entangled in the investigations that followed, I grew up inside a system that did not clearly distinguish between abuse and the stigma attached to homosexuality.

The labels and assumptions of that era shaped how adults interpreted what had happened, how institutions documented those events, and how some of the children involved were viewed afterward.

The purpose of examining these historical records today is not simply to revisit an old scandal. It is to understand how the investigative framework of the time shaped the narrative that was ultimately written into official documents.

Only by understanding that framework can we fully understand the record that remains.

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